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How inequality in the UK is mapped: from the Victorian era to the 2019 election | FT


[MUSIC PLAYING] ALAN SMITH: So Alasdair,
we’re talking maps today, and we’re also
talking inequality, which is a big word in the
election manifestos this year. But in fact, when we talk
about mapping inequality, that’s not a new thing. It’s been done before. So who was the first to do it? ALASDAIR RAE: Well,
the first person really to do this on a large
scale was Charles Booth in Victorian London. And his study of life and labour
of the people of London is really the main one people
look to as the first. ALAN SMITH: So
people think of him almost as the first social
scientist because of it. We’ve got one of
his maps here, which is looking at the area
of Whitechapel in London. And just looking at it, it
looks like a really normal sort of street map, except
there’s colours everywhere. What do the colours show us? ALASDAIR RAE: The colours
indicate the social class of the individuals who live
in these different buildings. So for example, along
Whitechapel Road, we can see Charles Booth’s
category identify these people as well-to-do, middle class. Whereas if you just turn
off to a side street, all of a sudden you see
different categories– very poor or poor or even
the lowest class on his map, which he at the time dubbed
“vicious, semi-criminal.” ALAN SMITH: These
category labels are fascinating because they
say a lot about attitudes towards the impoverished
at the time perhaps. We’re going to talk about
this cheek by jowl index that you’ve developed later. But in Victorian London,
according to Booth, prosperity was always
just a little turn away from chronic want
and chronic need. ALASDAIR RAE: Exactly. That’s what you see. You don’t have to go too far
off the main thoroughfares before you suddenly have these
intense areas of poverty. ALAN SMITH: How did he
collect this information? ALASDAIR RAE:
Well, unlike today, where we’d probably just quickly
download the data and map it, he had to get out
and about and use up a lot of shoe leather,
also a team of researchers with essentially clipboards
and notebooks surveying most of inner London effectively,
speaking to residents, taking notes. And obviously all this
is all online now for us to use– but very much
a data-driven exercise, but collected through hard work. ALAN SMITH: So actually given
the inequalities mentioned in all of these political
manifestos for the election, it’s actually quite
a timely thing to have delivered this
look at inequality across the whole of England. ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah. I mean, when we started this
project about 18 months ago, of course, we had
no idea there would be an election anytime soon. But it has coincided with this,
and obviously the manifestos mention inequality. So yeah, it’s quite
timely, we think. ALAN SMITH: So if we fast
forward from the Victorian era and look at the
outcomes of your work at the University of Sheffield,
what is this map showing us? ALASDAIR RAE: This is a map
of the whole of England broken down into travel to work areas. So each individual
area, like London here, is effectively a commuter zone. So people travel
within these to work, and these boundaries contain
local labour markets. Another example would
be up in Liverpool, where you have Liverpool on
The Wirral as one local labour market, or Berwick, where the
local labour market area goes across into Scotland
across the border. ALAN SMITH: So you
deliberately didn’t use things like parliamentary
constituencies and local authority areas
because they don’t necessarily reflect day-to-day human life
in the way that these areas do. Because if I pick any
one of these areas– so if I pick Hull
here, this area is defined like it is because
most of the people who live here work here. That’s right? ALASDAIR RAE: That’s
exactly right. It’s what we call
self-contained. It’s a self-contained
labour market area. ALAN SMITH: So that
explains what the areas are. What do the colours mean? ALASDAIR RAE: This particular
measure of inequality relates to how closely
packed together people of the same kind of
socioeconomic class are. The darker colours indicate
where people who are more similar live closer together. And the lighter colours
is the opposite. ALAN SMITH: So in
the lighter areas, that’s where we’re
saying there’s a big contrast
between the people who live within those areas– if you like, it could be
the haves and the have-nots? ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah, exactly. ALAN SMITH: Why do
we care about this? I mean, why does this
matter, do you think? ALASDAIR RAE: There is
a number of reasons. So it could be just to do with
the provision of services. Another good reason for
caring about inequality would be to do with the
political fallout right and how that feeds into the
electoral process, which we’ve probably seen
in the last few years. ALAN SMITH: OK, does that
mean the areas that are dark, where there’s relatively little
inequality– these darker patches here across the
north over in Cornwall and the southwest over
here in Lincolnshire– are we saying that
in those darker areas that they’re not problem areas? ALASDAIR RAE: Well,
there is a couple of ways of looking at it. One would be to say inequality
here is not a problem. But the other, and I
think more plausible, explanation would be that
inequality is not necessarily the issue but absolute
poverty across the board. So what we have is relatively
equal but quite poor. ALAN SMITH: There’s
no inequality because everyone’s poor. That’s probably not– ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah,
it’s probably not what we’re aiming for. ALAN SMITH: –what
you’re aiming for, OK. So we were fascinated by this
map when we first looked at it because if we look at just
the lightest coloured areas on the map, that’s the top 20
most unequal areas in England, according to this data. So if we base it on just
the proximity of the haves and the have-nots
living cheek by jowl, much in the way that we just
looked at with the Charles Booth map of
Whitechapel, these areas here are the top 20 for
inequality in England. So we have unsurprisingly,
I suppose, London is here– most of these areas
are actually Midlands and to the north of England,
with one big exception being in the south we
have the Portsmouth travel to work area here is showing
up as highly unequal. ALASDAIR RAE: This particular
measure of inequality generally picks out
places in the Midlands and north of England, which
your traditional centres of manufacturing, your
ex-industrial locations are at. For example, if you
look at somewhere like Barrow-in-Furness
travel to work area, or you look at
somewhere like Blackpool or even Sheffield’s travel
to work area or Hull, these are areas of traditional
industry, where worker housing was packed very tightly
together, much like in the way it was in those
Charles Booth maps. ALAN SMITH: So that’s really
interesting because, for me– and I’ll have to reveal
a personal fact here– I grew up in the
Portsmouth area. And one of the things
when I was growing up is that people always used
to describe the Portsmouth area as a northern
city transplanted to the south coast. So it’s fascinating to
see it coming out here at the national level. Let’s take a look–
and because I’m biassed– we’re going to have a
look at this Portsmouth travel to work area and see what’s
really going on there. So what we’ve got here,
first of all– just to show you that
we’re zooming in– so we’ve got some satellite
imagery here of the wider Portsmouth area. So we’re zoomed quite in. Even on this satellite image,
we can see roads and so on. But what we can do is
if we take a layer– effectively this is
your map zoomed in– we can see that actually
this Portsmouth travel to work area, which is
this big yellow area here, it actually extends
quite a long way. And in fact, it’s
a peculiar shape because it’s quite
tall but quite narrow. And I know that that’s
actually a good thing, as far as the commuting
patterns are concerned. Because knowing
this area, I know that there is a
motorway going up here, and that this is actually
a commuting corridor and that there’s not
as much travel across. So that validates the geography. But what we’re really interested
in doing now is looking at the neighbourhood level
information that allowed you to make this area bright yellow. So let’s bring in this
neighbourhood level information for the Portsmouth area. And this is the first time that
we really start to capture some of the neighbourhood level
gradients in income deprivation that allowed you to decide which
areas of the country were more unequal than others. Again, let’s think
about the colour. The colour is now not showing
us the inequality, is it? The colour is now showing us
the actual level of deprivation. ALASDAIR RAE: That’s right. So the individual areas
are these 32,000 areas, neighbourhood level,
about 1,600 people or so. ALAN SMITH: That’s these
very small individual pockets of colour. They’re individual
neighbourhoods. ALASDAIR RAE: They’re individual
neighbourhoods essentially. And what we see here
is a lighter colour. So the lighter colours here are
areas that score more highly on the deprivation index. And at the other
end of the scale, generally you’ll find these
in the suburban areas– the darkest colours on the
map, the least deprived area. So they’re really usually
quite affluent neighbourhoods. ALAN SMITH: Going back to
what you were saying about the traditional patterns– so
this is Portsmouth city centre over here– the idea that you’ve actually
got high levels of deprivation in the city centre, gradually
getting a little more affluent as you spread out into much
more affluent rural areas. That’s a repeating pattern
across the country. ALASDAIR RAE: Exactly. That’s generally what
we see everywhere. ALAN SMITH: OK, one of the
things that fascinated me knowing about this area, though,
is that in the Portsmouth travel to work area you don’t
just have the city centre area deprived. You’ve actually got an area
called Paulsgrove up here, which is also coming out
as quite highly deprived for income, but also
this area up here. Now, this is the area
in the north of Havant– the town of Havant,
which is part of this commuting corridor. This is the Leigh Park Estate. So there’s two points here
which are in the most deprived 10%, in national terms,
which is Leigh Park and then a part of Leigh Park
called Warren Park. You have these multiple pockets
of deprivation surrounded by much more affluence. And these areas are not
far away from each other. The thing that struck me
when I looked at this data for the first time was that this
darkest colour here suggests that this is the most affluent
10%, in nationwide terms, bordering areas that are in
the most deprived percentiles of the country. That’s the essence of
your spatial inequality? ALASDAIR RAE: That’s right. So traditionally,
you’d just expect to see a geographical gradient,
where you don’t really get these extremes
next to each other. There’s a number of reasons
why you might get that. Sometimes it’s brownfield land
where new housing is being put, and maybe that’s more luxury
housing, luxury flats. And we’ve seen a lot of
that over the last 20 years. But occasionally what you get is
a really steep social gradient, and sometimes it’s because of
a road like you can see here. Or it might be a river
or a railway line, something like that. ALAN SMITH: So there’ll be
some physical separation, even though they might– ALASDAIR RAE: Usually. ALAN SMITH: –be
close to each other. Now, that takes me again back
to Booth because when Booth carried out his two
surveys 10 years apart, one of the things that he said
was that actually neighbourhood renewal was one of the things
that was helping to reinforce isolation of the deprived,
because there was a big railway building boom in the period
and a slum clearance programme. And his contention was that
building railway lines actually helped to box people in. We can still see signs of that. The physical geography
is different. ALASDAIR RAE: Exactly. And if you go back
maybe 50 years before Charles Booth’s map
you have Benjamin Disraeli talking about people
living and being dwellers in different zones. And if you go back to
antiquity, in Plato’s Republic, we have him talking about
different quarters of cities, some rich and some poor. So these are not new themes,
but what we see in the map is we see these patterns
repeated at the small scale through time. ALAN SMITH: But this
is the first time we’ve been able to see this data
using your atlas, if you like, to identify the
places to look at. So one of the things
about looking at the maps like this, though, is that
it looks like this area is connected to this
area and to this area. But we can see kind of through
the satellite imagery peeping behind that actually there is
nothing physical connecting those areas because it looks
like that’s fields and country. So one of the things
that we can do here is bring the road
network in here. And that helps us to
really see what’s going on. Because going back to
this deprived area here of Leigh Park and the
Warren here in Havant, if you look at the
road network, you can actually see that this
area here is pretty isolated. Although it’s very close
in geographical terms, as the crow flies,
on three sides, it looks like Warren
Park here is isolated from these more affluent areas. [MUSIC PLAYING] So let’s just take a little nip
into here and see what we find. What we’re talking
about, Leigh Park. SUBJECT 1: Leigh Park used
to have a right reputation for roughness and that. It is a bit scruffy,
but it is what it is. But I mean, once upon
a time, Park Parade, as we used to call it,
used to have the main road going up the middle of it. I can remember it. There used to be
a Woolies there. ALAN SMITH: Do you think there’s
still a sense of community in Leigh Park? SUBJECT 1: Not as much
as there used to be, no. I don’t know. I really don’t know. I mean, look, these shutters– dammed. It’s either no one’s
in there, or they don’t open it until
halfway through the night. ALAN SMITH: Did you go to
places like Emsworth, or– SUBJECT 2: No. ALAN SMITH: No? OK. SUBJECT 2: No, because I’ve
only got a bus to catch. I can’t wait for somebody
to take me places. ALAN SMITH: All right. Yeah, so you tend to stay in the
local area for your day-to-day, that sort of stuff? SUBJECT 2: Yeah. ALAN SMITH: OK. Tell us about growing
up in Leigh Park. What was that like? SUBJECT 3: Well, I enjoyed it. I’ve got three sisters,
and we was all– we’ve all turned
out fine, I think. [LAUGHTER] ALAN SMITH: So what role
does the Community Centre play for you? SUBJECT 3: Yeah, it’s brilliant. We used to go to a
youth group here. And now we’ve obviously
both got children. We try to come at
least once a week. It’s mostly cheap, and
it’s really likable to us. ALAN SMITH: Does it feel
like a Community Centre? SUBJECT 3: Yeah. ALAN SMITH: Do you
feel like there’s that sense of neighbourliness? SUBJECT 3: Yeah, it’s lovely. ALAN SMITH: So do you know
places like Rowlands Castle and Emsworth? Do you go there? SUBJECT 3: Not really, no. ALAN SMITH: Do you meet many
people from those areas? Or do they tend to keep
themselves to themselves? SUBJECT 3: Yeah, yeah. If we go there, you feel a bit
like, hmm, where are you from? Leigh Park– and it sort of
makes you feel a bit awful. But yeah, no, it’s nice to
have something here for us. ALAN SMITH: You know, you
have a motorway here, fields and a golf course here, I think. And you can see that it’s
connected but only to itself. I mean, I know that that was
a post World War II housing estate. Is that a typical pattern
from that era of– ALASDAIR RAE: We do see a lot of
that, so good examples of this all across the country. Glasgow’s always
used as an example. It’s a good way of
understanding that, although people have lives in
theory in the same geographical spaces, they’re often living
completely different lives, disconnected from neighbourhoods
that are literally right next door. ALAN SMITH: So this is why we
can call this the cheek by jowl index because they’re co-located
almost but living very different socioeconomic– ALASDAIR RAE: Exactly. ALAN SMITH: –lives. And the other thing
is, particularly with the Leigh Park area,
is just how surrounded it is by affluence. I mean, what you were saying
earlier about a gradient, that just doesn’t
exist in any direction. It’s a steep cliff
face, if you like, of deprivation,
which is fascinating. What would Charles Booth make of
this stuff today, do you think? ALASDAIR RAE: I think
he’d be quite surprised at the lack of connections
between these places because at least in his
London maps everywhere was very well-connected. Here, not so much, and
I think he’d probably question the aims and objectives
of 1960s planners perhaps. ALAN SMITH: The
locals call this area the Warren because of
this network of streets that are inward looking. But it scores very
poorly on connectedness to everywhere else. Excuse me? We’re doing a little bit of
filming about Leigh Park. I wonder if we could have
a word or two with you about it, if we parked up
the car and had a quick chat. SUBJECT 4: Yeah. ALAN SMITH: Is that all right? So what brought you to Leigh
Park in the first place? SUBJECT 4: I got married. I was living in
Selsey at the time. ALAN SMITH: Oh, OK. SUBJECT 4: And I married
a Leigh Park girl. ALAN SMITH: So you’ve stayed
on the estate ever since? SUBJECT 4: Yes. ALAN SMITH: Do you think that
because it is geographically so separate from
the rest of Havant, that that actually helps
with the community spirit, do you think? SUBJECT 4: Yes, I think so. Yes. We’re a little bit
isolated from Havant, but I’ve never seen much
trouble up here in 30 years. ALAN SMITH: Do you feel,
compared to when you were in Selsey, that people are more
likely to stay in Leigh Park in the sense that it is that
community space that people don’t– SUBJECT 4: Yeah, I think so. Yes. Not many people know
each other in Selsey. Where you would get
to know people– you get to know people in here. ALAN SMITH: So we’re saying
that actually, it’s not like it’s even stayed the same. In some cases, because of
post World War II planning, some of these areas are actually
even worse than they were back in Booth’s day. ALASDAIR RAE: The old
first law of geography tells us that everywhere is
connected to everywhere else. And in theory, near places
should be more connected. But what you see sometimes
is that’s not the case. Near places are sometimes very
disconnected and very much not like each other. ALAN SMITH: On the
basis that it’s unlikely that anyone from one
of these more affluent areas nearby is going to accidentally
wander through the deprived areas because you have to
make the effort to get there, and there is not
a natural flow– ALASDAIR RAE: No, exactly. ALAN SMITH: –across
those areas. One of the things
I felt while we were doing this whole exercise
and looking at these maps is just what Booth
would have made of our cartography,
the fact that we are letting these areas run out. If I take the road
network off, these areas, they do run into each other. They’re kind of
space-filling, aren’t they? ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah. ALAN SMITH: Although
it looks like this is one big area full of people,
actually it’s a rural area, and there’s not
much going on here. So one of the things that we
wanted to do in the spirit of Booth was that with this sort
of mapping we’re showing that everywhere is
filled with colour, and that’s not really that
representative of what we’re showing. ALASDAIR RAE: No, and
one of the things, with these neighbourhood
areas that we’re using, there are about 32,000 of them,
and they’re designed so that each one should have a roughly
similar amount of people. But in less dense
areas like here, where population
density is very low, these areas are very, very big. But of course, not
many people actually live in the whole area. ALAN SMITH: So one
of the things that we did then was to cut
through this map with a street and road network
that would allow us to get something that looks a
lot more like the maps that Booth was making. So let’s take those
away and replace it with a view of that
cut road network. And so here we go. Now I feel a bit more
comfortable because it’s what Booth would recognise as a map
that’s very similar to his own. So we’ve retained the colours. So the light colours are
still the most deprived areas. There’s the Leigh Park
Estate and the Warren. Here’s the city
centre of Portsmouth. This is the more affluent areas. Emsworth is here. [MUSIC PLAYING] We’re no longer in the
Warren Park Estate. We’re clearly somewhere
more affluent. Let’s see what we can find. Does it surprise you when I
said that this area came out very high for inequality
relative to the rest of the country? SUBJECT 5: That’s not
been my experience, no. ALAN SMITH: Have you been
in Emsworth for a long time? SUBJECT 6: 15 years. ALAN SMITH: 15 years? SUBJECT 6: 15, 16 years. ALAN SMITH: Did you come
to it from somewhere close by or from– SUBJECT 6: From Bognor Regis. ALAN SMITH: Do you
know any of the areas that I just mentioned– Rowlands Castle,
Havant, Leigh Park? Do any of those areas– SUBJECT 6: Yeah. ALAN SMITH: What’s your
impressions of those areas? SUBJECT 6: Rowlands Castle,
pretty nice, pretty steepy. Leigh Park, it’s had
it’s day as it is. Far too big– it was
the largest in Europe at the time it was
built, I think. Havant, that’s fine, good
shopping centre in there, good area. The biggest effect is
the amount of building that’s going on at the present
moment and the stretching of our services. SUBJECT 7: I live in
the square anyway. ALAN SMITH: You
live in the square, and you’ve been in Emsworth
since you were three, you say? SUBJECT 7: Three. ALAN SMITH: OK, so
how has Emsworth changed during that time? SUBJECT 7: Hugely. Across the other side
of the Bell Pond, there are houses there
which 50 years ago were selling for about. 35,000 Now they’re
a half million. ALAN SMITH: Wow. SUBJECT 7: So it’s
a big, big change in the housing situation,
which doesn’t help people who have just moved into Emsworth. Younger people can’t really
find affordable housing, like a lot of places. But Emsworth used to be
on the par with Havant in terms of property prices. It’s not bad for
us that live here. But on the other hand, it’s not
very good for younger people. ALAN SMITH: So given
that change actually, that you’ve just said
between Havant and Emsworth on the prices, does
it surprise you when I have mentioned to
somebody else just a minute ago, that this area
has been identified as one of the most economically
unequal areas in the country, if you take the whole
Portsmouth region? SUBJECT 7: That
would surprise me because I think property prices
vary on a much smaller basis than they did 25, 30 years ago. Leigh Park, you may or may not
know that Leigh Park was built after the Second World War, when
all the houses in Portsmouth were– not all of them– were bombed. So the council bought Leigh
Park, which is a big country house, and they built– it was the biggest council
estate in the whole of the UK at one stage. ALAN SMITH: We picked up a lot
of the very similar thoughts, actually, in terms of
strength of sentiment about local community. But for the first
time, I think, we also picked up some really
interesting things about the way that some
places close to each other can have knock-on
effects of each other. So the discussion in there
about how property prices have ballooned here in Emsworth
at the expense of Havant, and in fact, the interplay
between Portsmouth and Leigh Park with Havant
being bypassed– these ideas that although
these are separate places, they are economically
interlinked, and what happens
in one place can cascade into another– it’s
very, very interesting. ALASDAIR RAE: Having a map like
this, the previous map we had is something we would
a choropleth map, whereas here it just shows
you where the buildings are. It shows you where
people live, effectively, in a way that allows us
to unpick the urban fabric and get a better
understanding of the potential for interaction but also
where the break points are– where you can see,
particularly here, a slight geographical
separation between areas that are very close
together but possibly not in terms of their
social interactions. ALAN SMITH: For me,
finally, knowing this area, you really can start
to see this Leigh Park area for the relatively
isolated area that it is. And that they’re
actually, although they are very close to
each other, there are these gaps appearing
across major segments right across the
whole commuting area. Suddenly starting to see much
more subtle decisions which, like you say, are
long-term consequences of urban planning decisions. ALASDAIR RAE: The
other thing this shows for me is how
pioneering Charles Booth was in his
representation of poverty and the urban fabric. These kind of things
are very difficult to do well, to do simply, and to
tell the story of places. And I think this does
a much better job than the previous
map in doing that. ALAN SMITH: Where do you
hope that this new Booth map, if we can call it
that, is going to go. ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah,
it’s really, for us, about providing better
spatial intelligence. This is what people maybe know
intuitively from their own neighbourhoods, but do they
understand it at a national level? So what we wanted to do
is provide a national map at a local level that
would allow policymakers, politicians, members
of the public– anyone who’s
interested in this kind of thing– to understand
local inequalities. ALAN SMITH: When
I talked to people about what we’ve been looking at
with this map, a lot of people are saying exactly this. They said, well,
of course, there are rich areas and poor
areas within cities. Everyone knows them. But I think the thing that
surprised me with this was that the colours we’re using here
are not just for the local area. These areas place us in
the national rankings. So when we say the difference
between a bright yellow and a black colour here,
that’s the full spectrum of the national range
in income deprivation. So let’s have a look. Let’s zoom back out again
and look at what all of those neighbourhoods look like. And so here it is. This is our national view of
localised deprivation patterns. So just to clarify
with you, Alasdair, this is all of those 32,000
areas that you were talking about earlier, all of
those neighbourhoods. This is all 32,000 on one map? ALASDAIR RAE: Yeah. ALAN SMITH: What
sort of patterns are we seeing when we zoom
this out to the national level? ALASDAIR RAE: The highest
areas of deprivation are to be found– so in the west, Midlands or
Merseyside or West Yorkshire or the northeast of
England or Humberside. But one of the things
people don’t often pay so much attention
to is a kind of string of depraved seaside locations. And it might not be
entire towns– sometimes it’s just little pockets. So we have this in Lincolnshire. Or we may have that in Essex. Or we may have that on
the south coast of Kent. So some of those aren’t
immediately obvious. But again, we have
that all over. Now, we do say, there’s
rich and poor everywhere, but they’re disproportionately
clustered in those places and also in London. ALAN SMITH: And actually, one of
the other things that I think I spotted when we first loaded
this up was that those areas that we were talking about right
at the start that don’t have much inequality, you can
almost see them on here because of the more
consistent colour patterns. The southwestern,
the Cornwall area, there’s much less of this
alternating bright and dark colour. It’s more uniformly
purple, middling– ALASDAIR RAE:
Yeah, that’s right. ALAN SMITH: –in
terms of deprivation. And finally, I think looking
at it in these terms, you’ve finally got
a map that really would take the attention
of Charles Booth because this is the sort
of map he wasn’t able to produce, simply because
of the restrictions that he was working with
back in the Victorian time. Great. Thank you very much. [MUSIC PLAYING]

Author Since: Mar 11, 2019

  1. Having grown up in Hermitage, a hamlet just outside Emsworth, I can attest to the huge economic inequality. Chichester and all around the yacht basin is extremely affluent, most of the way through to Emsworth, although there are smaller more deprived areas throughout Southbourne and Nutbourne. Central Havant is relatively middle classed for the most part, but Warblington, which is between Emsworth and Havant is also very deprived, probably on a similar level to Leigh Park. I was in the relatively rare position of having reasonable exposure to both ends of the scale, as my Dad was a boat builder in Emsworth and my Mum worked for Lloyds Bank in Leigh Park, so I had a childhood of both extremes really. I went to Nursery school in Leigh Park, as it was convenient for my Mum's work, but would spend the weekends out on yachts and speed boats and at Emsworth/Slipper sailing club.

    Having said all that, I have since lived in Bournemouth and Salisbury, as well as some rural areas and seen similar inequality in all of the more built up areas. Bournemouth has many areas with muilti-million pound homes, like Canford Magna, Sandbanks and parts of Ferndown as well as some very deprived areas like Trickett's Cross, West Howe and Turlin Moor. Likewise, although not to the same extent Salisbury has some fairly affluent areas like Ford, but also some very deprived like Bemerton Heath.

    Councils are tackling these community divides, mainly in an attempt to reduce crime levels on the large council estates. Their approach now is to buy a selection of houses within normal housing estates to use as council houses. These estates have a diverse range of housing ranging from single bed flats and apartment buildings all the way through to large five bed detached houses, with the smaller and larger properties spread equally throughout the estates. Whilst the council will buy some of these properties of all sizes, they also encourage private landlords to offer their properties as council housing. They are also careful to not group the council properties together, so there will be privately owned, privately rented, housing association and council housing all interspersed. Whilst this may help with the lowering of crime rates, it does also reduce the sense of community, as you have people of very different socio-economic standing living in close proximity, who frequently have very little in common with each other, no shared interests and don't really relate to each other. This can cause some degree of tension, in terms of dissatisfaction with neighbours.

    Of course the real solution is to reduce the degree of economic inequality, but that's not going to happen under a conservative government, quite the opposite.

  2. Inequality is not a big problem, poverty is the real one. But politicians, who don't produce a single $ in wealth, like to demonize the rich. The real devil are the politicians & big state who destroy the wealth created by workers and entrepreneurs, destroying jobs and well being.

  3. FT has become an excellent content creator on youtube. Originally I added the channel just for some news, never thought that they would such great explain and report videos.

  4. Interesting report, had me wondering just how this is actually used. No doubt there's money in predicting which areas will see the greatest rise in property value and such maps feed into that rather well. Hopefully some actual benefit will come from it too.

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